'Let's go for coffee': coffee, armed conflict, and crime in Colombia - Different Resources, Different Conflicts? - Libros y Revistas - VLEX 845670526

'Let's go for coffee': coffee, armed conflict, and crime in Colombia

AutorAngelika Rettberg
Páginas45-79

“Let’s go for coee”: Coee, armed
conict, and crime in Colombia*
A R**
Introduction
A   made in  by Jairo Leguizamón, commander of
the Seventh Brigade of the Colombian Army, based in Armenia, “we do not have
any information which indicates the presence of armed st ructures in any of the
three depart ments” of the Coee Zone (Eje Cafetero). Likewise, a captain of t he
National Police declared in November  that the Coee Zone is representative
of a “post-conict region” (author’s interview, ), referring to the fact t hat his
institution did not have any knowledge of the active presence of illega l armed ac-
tors there and that existing cr ime is detached from the logic of the historic clash
between the FARC, ELN and other guerri lla groups, and the Colombian state.
ese statements are surprising considering that ocia l gures in  in-
dicated that armed activ ities had tripled in the region in comparison with the
s (Observatory of the Presidential Program of Human Rig hts and Interna-
tional Humanitaria n Law, ). Since then, only drug-tracking, the sel ling
of drugs in small a mounts (narcomenudeo) and criminal gangs constitute i m-
portant threats to secu rity in the coee-growing zone (Cadena ; Merchán
: ; Pérez ; Policía Nacional ; Vargas ; Valencia ), but
armed conict seems to have waned.
* To cite this chapter: http://dx.doi.org /./..
** I would like to thank Brend a Ardila, Sebastiá n Bitar, Carolina Franco, Juan Diego Pr ieto
and Camilo Vargas for t heir contributions to t his research. I wou ld also like to t hank Juan Diego
Prieto for his tra nslation of some part s originally w ritten in Engl ish, and Enrique Chau x, Ralf J.
Leiteritz and C arlo Nasi for their comments.
“En el Eje Cafetero s e terminó el conic to armado” (In the coe e region the armed con ict is
over), in Crónica del Quindío, Ju ly , , http://cronicadelquindio.com /noticia-completa-titu lo-
en_el_eje_cafetero_se_termino_el_conicto_ armado-seccion--nota-.htm.
1/04/20 4:49 p.m.
  ,  
Map 2. Historical development of Colombian coee-g rowing regions
Source: Map drawn by Paola Lu na, Cartogr aphy Laboratory, Universidad de lo s Andes,
based on inform ation from the authors
1/04/20 4:49 p.m.
“’   ”: ,   ,     
In line with the work of historians, economists and political scientists who
have pointed out how natural resources are linked to socia l processes in the world
economy and detailed the way in which the soc ial, economic and political con-
sequences of the extraction or production and the d istribution of such resources
vary in accordance w ith the characteristics of each product (Topik, Marichal and
Frank ), this chapter seeks to answer the followi ng questions: What has been
the relationship between coee and the armed c onict in the coee-growing re-
gion? In what ways has the armed conict mutated towards new forms of crime
and how are those changes related to the economy and the coee-growing s ociety?
In many ways, the coee-growing reg ion — mainly the departments of Cal-
das, Risar alda and Quindío — il lustrates Colombia’s post-conict challenges (see
map ). On the one hand, the case of coee shows the importance of institutiona l
capacity as a protective factor in the face of outbreaks of v iolence. Even though
the region was an importa nt scenario in the period known as “the Violence” (La
Violencia) (see Bergquist, ; Ortiz, ; Palacios, ), the consolidation of
a sui generis national institution — the National C oee-Growers Federation —
and the many services it oered enabled the coee-grow ing region to remain on
the margin of the intensicat ion and degradation of the Colombian armed con-
ict for many years (for more context, see the introductory chapter of this book).
On the other hand, the case of coee a lso shows the vulnerabilities of in-
stitutional models focused on specic resou rces, especial ly when they depend
on the international market. With t he restructuring of the world coee market
— specically due to the abrupt  nalization of the International Coee Pact at
the start of the s — a large par t of the institutional framework of the coee
economy collapsed (Rettberg ). e weakening of the Coee-Growers Fed-
eration, in turn, le an inst itutional gap which opened a window of opportunity
for armed-groups penetration of the strategic lands where coee is g rown, where
they recruited young men and fought for territorial control with the aim of
promoting illicit crops and insert ing the capital from drug-tracki ng into the
legal economy (see, for example: Dube and Vargas ; Holmes, Gutiérrez de
Piñeres and Curtin ; orp ; orp and Dur and, ). e combina-
tion of these factors was reected in an i ncrease in the number of kidnappings
and killi ngs in the region (see gures ,  and ).
It was surprising, however, that the diculties un leashed by the coee crisis
in the s were not worse. e Federation’s ability to reinvent itself and also,
the changes undertaken in the structure of the production and commercial-
ization of coee seem to have played an important role in preventing a more
acute deterioration. At the same time, some of the criminal phenomena that
initiated in the s and now maintain nat ional and international networks,
like drug-track ing and criminal bands, a re a reection of the legacies of the
coee crisis in the ki nd of criminal organizat ions which are present in the region
1/04/20 4:49 p.m.

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